One tends to assume that someone who plays a negative, destructive character cannot offer an optimistic perspective on humanity.

That’s what I thought was the case with Arnold Schwarzenegger—a former Republican, former Governor of California, and famous actor known for playing the Terminator—who has since become a committed environmental advocate and an opponent of the policies of U.S. President Donald Trump.

I don't know why he didn't make himself known when I spotted him 38 years ago crossing 23rd Street, heading incognito toward the Hotel Habana Libre; I told the photographer Jorge Valiente to take a picture of him—a shot I titled *Terminator in Havana*; Perhaps it was to avoid jeopardizing the interview that our Commander-in-Chief granted to his wife—journalist Maria Shriver, a niece of John F. Kennedy—while turning down dozens of other media outlets that sought to interview the leader of the Cuban Revolution. The text of that interview was later distorted in Miami.

From that moment on, I sensed that this man—a competitive bodybuilder and father of five (four of them with Kennedy’s niece)—did not fit the usual stereotype of the cunning pretender masquerading as an altruist.

The actor considers it "nonsensical" for U.S. authorities to "politicize" environmental issues by "framing them as a matter of left versus right," and he is convinced that Trump shares something with his character, the Terminator: both want to "destroy progress and the future."

HE IS A TERMINATOR, HE EMPHASIZED

"He is a Terminator," the actor stated in an interview with EFE, referring to the character he portrayed—which also gives its name to the eponymous science-fiction film series. Schwarzenegger is a fervent activist and environmentalist, known for repeatedly criticizing world leaders—including the U.S. president—for their lack of action in the fight against the climate crisis.

This week, the U.S. president announced his intention to revoke California's authority to set its own limits on vehicle pollutant emissions. This measure—described by some media outlets as a "declaration of war on California"—aims to curb vehicle production and make cars "considerably safer," according to Washington.

Schwarzenegger has joined the chorus of criticism sparked by the new measure: "What he is doing is criminal! He is getting rid of environmental regulations and laws that were passed by previous presidents."

In fact, by establishing its own rules on vehicle pollution in 1996, California became a pioneer in this type of "green" policy; according to Schwarzenegger, its "tough environmental laws" serve as a "success story" for the entire world.

The former governor dismissed as "nonsense" the fact that U.S. authorities are "politicizing the [environmental] issue by framing it as a matter of left versus right," when, in reality, environmental regulations are perfectly compatible with economic development.

Against this backdrop, Trump flippantly announced Schwarzenegger's "death"—to which Arnold replied that he was still alive—and challenged him to compare tax payments. This is a particularly negative issue for the current president, a billionaire who pays no taxes most years by claiming losses backed by legal entities he controls. It is worth recalling that on June 1, 2017, Trump announced his country's withdrawal from the Paris Agreement—ratified by 195 nations in the French capital in December 2015—sparking outrage among both the scientific community and much of the global political establishment.

According to the leader, the agreement entails "disadvantages" that benefit "exclusively other countries" and results in "job losses, lower wages, factory closures, and a massive decline in economic output."

WITH GRETA THUNBERG

Swedish activist Greta Thunberg revealed that Schwarzenegger offered to lend her one of his electric cars so she could travel in a more eco-friendly way while in North America.

During an appearance on a joint Norwegian-Swedish talk show, the young activist stated that she plans to head to Montreal, Canada, to continue her climate crusade. When the host asked how she intended to get there, Greta replied that although many people had offered to lend her an electric car, Schwarzenegger’s offer was the "most fun": "He offered me his electric vehicle if I want it."
The 16-year-old accepted the offer to help achieve her goal, Yahoo! News reported.

In early September, the Hollywood star—known for repeatedly criticizing world leaders over their inaction regarding the climate crisis—posted a photo on Instagram of his Hummer H1 SUV, which had been converted to run on electricity. She included the message: "My Hummer is proof that you can turn any car into a clean machine." Although it was rumored that this would be the model the actor—who is also an environmentalist—would make available to Thunberg, a spokesperson for the actor confirmed that it is actually a Tesla Model 3. "Driving his electric Hummer across the country would be quite a challenge, so it won't be her personal car," the spokesperson told the American automotive magazine *Car and Driver*.

According to the representative, Schwarzenegger had asked Greta to call him "if she needed anything." As soon as it became known that she needed help arranging her transportation in North America, the actor offered to provide her with a climate-friendly electric vehicle for the duration of her stay. "Greta can travel across the U.S. and Canada using only electric power," he explained.

Translated by Amilkal Labañino / CubaSí Translation Staff

In addition to the sick diatribe against Cuba at the current UN General Assembly, U.S. President Donald Trump tried to suggest that the root of America's security woes lies in Mexico. He threatened to launch military operations there—without Mexican consent—against drug cartels that (though he failed to mention this) receive abundant weaponry from U.S. territory; it is a massive business for the perpetually protected arms industry of that powerful and abusive nation.

While the White House has repeatedly singled out Mexico as the source of its security woes—labeling it the epicenter of cartel violence and with the Republican president stressing that "it is unacceptable for the United States to share a 2,000-mile (3,218-kilometer) border with territory controlled by hostile cartels"—Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum asserted that her administration is engaged in bilateral efforts to combat organized crime, offering an ironic retort to Washington:

"I could say: It is very difficult living next to a country with such high levels of drug consumption; or I could say: It is very difficult living next to a country that produces so many weapons. But I won't say that, because we have a good relationship with the president and with the U.S. government."

In reality, these attacks on Mexico help Trump maintain his standing among his hard-core electoral base—voters who fervently believe that narrative—meaning the veracity of his claims takes a back seat.

It does not matter whether the claims are true or false. It does not matter whether he has evidence against Mexican politicians or not; that’s irrelevant. What matters is that there’s a significant group of people who need to hear this and, in turn, be given talking points to repeat it, effectively becoming an echo chamber.

Let’s recall that Trump rose to power projecting the image of a "strongman" and a "fixer"—someone who wields hierarchical authority over Latin America. And although he has often installed subservient right-wing regimes through threats and electoral manipulation, his image within the United States has become blurred. Consequently, Republicans appear to be facing a complex landscape heading into this November's elections, with local media reports placing the leader's popularity at a mere 32%. Thus, his campaign rhetoric aimed at reconnecting with the electorate consistently singles out Mexico—and Latin America in general, but Mexico in particular—as the culprit behind issues related to drug trafficking and security.

There is a difference, however, between the White House's rhetoric and its actions; while it does not carry out open military interventions on Mexican soil, it has engaged in decades of interference in the Latin American nation—practices facilitated by previous illegitimate governments.

THINGS ARE DIFFERENT WITH SHEINBAUM

Currently, the Mexican government possesses three political strengths: its social programs, its communication style, and its rhetoric emphasizing national sovereignty.

This last point has been bolstered by the statements of the U.S. president, who does not enjoy a favorable image in Mexico.
"What the U.S. says about Mexicans actually gives the president a bit more room to boost her approval ratings; she speaks out against interference, so every attack from the Trump administration turns into a positive for her. It even makes the opposition look bad for endorsing the stances of a foreign government," noted commentator Rico Becerra.

"The Morena governing coalition's agenda is also heavily grounded in defending national sovereignty, resources, territory, and borders... I believe this pays off for her, particularly in terms of legitimacy," he concluded.

Against this backdrop, the Mexican government has implemented a strategy to combat drug trafficking at its root, focusing on targeting clandestine laboratories and the illicit crops that fuel the drug market. This action entails not only the destruction of plantations but also the seizure of weapons and materials used by criminal groups, with the aim of weakening their operational capacity nationwide.

These actions seek to protect communities affected by violence and strengthen national security in the fight against organized crime. Through operations across 14 states, security forces carried out actions to combat drug trafficking, rescue migrants, and eradicate illicit crops as part of the National Security Strategy.

This is Sheinbaum's forceful response to Trump's aforementioned claim that Mexico is the "epicenter" of drug trafficking.

Translated by Amilkal Labañino / CubaSí Translation Staff

BUENOS AIRES — Overcrowded soup kitchens, barter clubs, and families taking on short-term debt just to purchase basic foodstuffs have become increasingly common sights across Argentina.

Although the ultra-liberal economic model championed by President Javier Milei successfully stabilized the country's macroeconomy, poverty is rising once again and could affect up to 35% of Argentines by the end of the year—up from 28% in 2025, according to Reuters.

One year ahead of the elections in which the head of state will seek reelection, opinion polls indicate that public support for Milei has declined among the lower-income sectors that originally voted him into power in 2023.

At the "Nuestro Hogar" soup kitchen, 74-year-old director Arturo Oliveras noted that his facility can no longer keep up with demand. While the center previously served around 200 impoverished Argentines daily, that number recently surged to 400. “We used to say: how crazy! Today we serve 600 or 700,” Oliveras added.

Although Milei managed to curb inflation—reducing it from over 200% in 2023 down to an annualized 30%—the severe fiscal austerity applied to achieve it has degraded the financial standing of many working families. Public sector wage freezes and the elimination of transport and utility subsidies have disproportionately impacted lower and middle classes whose income growth has lagged behind cumulative inflation, while market opening measures forced domestic manufacturers to close down.

Unemployment rose to 7.9%, though experts suggest the true figure is substantially higher when factoring in individuals turning to informal labor following formal job losses.

“Every quarter, over the last four quarters, between 400,000 and 450,000 people enter poverty,” said Agustín Salvia, an expert at the Pontifical Catholic University of Argentina (UCA), who estimates the poverty rate could reach 35% by year-end. Meanwhile, the official INDEC statistics agency reported that poverty reached 32.3% during the first half of the year.

This dynamic presents severe political questions for Milei. Polls across the board show a drop in public approval among lower-income voters. A survey by Analogías placed Milei's negative image at 58.1% compared to 36.9% positive, while research from Atlas Intel indicated that 58% of Argentines disapprove of his administration, with disapproval reaching nearly 70% among lower-middle income strata.

Furthermore, internal challenges persist; security ally Patricia Bullrich currently registers higher approval ratings in several surveys, posing a potential threat within the ruling coalition's broader electoral ambitions.

“I voted for Milei sincerely thinking it would be a change for the better, but he truly disappointed me,” hardware store owner Gustavo Raúl Pérez told EFE in San Fernando, north of Buenos Aires. “Four years ago I had lines of customers; I used to sell ten wheelbarrows, now I sell one; before I sold ten machines a day, now I sell one machine a week.”

The economic squeeze is further complicated by signs of a broader slowdown. Speaking to Sputnik, former Undersecretary of Finance Ramiro Tosi described JP Morgan's 1.5% growth projection as realistic, noting that entering a third-quarter recession is almost unavoidable and dismissing official 2027 budget growth targets of 3% or 4% as unrealistic in an election year.

Despite rising social pressure, executive officials remain resolute in their strategy. “The president will not move an inch from his program. He is not going to ease his contractive monetary stance just to win an election,” a government spokesperson told Reuters.

In suburban areas like Villa Astolfi, practical survival strategies are taking hold. “Poverty has deepened significantly. People are asking for oil, sugar, flour, and pasta,” noted Ana Barreto, an organizer of a local barter club formed to help residents exchange clothing and essential goods.

Translated by Sergio A. Paneque Díaz / CubaSí Translation Staff