In recent weeks, cases of violence and hate against women dominated Brazilian news and social media – among them the femicide of a female military police officer by her partner in São Paulo, the gang rape of a teenager in Rio de Janeiro, and TikTok videos showing men simulating attacks on women who reject marriage proposals.
These incidents should not be viewed in isolation. They are part of a complex web of misogyny that connects various elements – from individual experiences of frustration to economic structures and global political agendas. Such is the conclusion of experts heard by Agência Brasil.
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Investigations into the death of police officer Gisele Alves Santana – who was found with a gunshot wound to the head in her apartment – show that her husband, Military Police Lieutenant Colonel Geraldo Leite Rosa Neto, accused of the crime, used terms in conversations that frequently circulate in misogynistic groups online, such as “alpha male” and “beta female.”
The origin of hate
The problem must be understood in its historical context. Hate groups have grown, in part due to the expansion of online spaces, but they existed long before that.
“We talk a lot about the rise in this violence, but it’s an age-old issue; it has existed since the dawn of society. We see ancient patriarchal structures of female subjugation, and the internet amplifies this violence,” said sociologist Bruna Camilo. She is a political scientist who specializes in gender and misogyny.
Social psychologist Professor Benedito Medrado Dantas, a professor at the Federal University of Pernambuco (UFPE), adds that expressions of hatred toward women have intensified as a reaction to women’s achievements.
“[This has been the case] ever since women began to occupy roles in society other than domestic care. This invariably disrupts the structures of society, as well as the intimacy of domestic and family life,” he argued.
Early recruitment
Researchers have observed that increasingly younger boys are being drawn into the “manosphere” – the term encompasses internet forums, video channels, group chats, and social media profiles dedicated to promoting a conservative model of masculinity and opposing women’s rights.
Feminist activist Professor Lola Aronovich has been the target of online attacks for years. She shared what she discovered while investigating online communities, particularly gaming communities.
“There’s a lot of heavy recruitment going on. I started researching [app] Discord and saw that they were increasingly younger boys, aged from 12 to 14. I was shocked because I was used to older teenagers and adults,” Professor Aronovich said.
The process of drawing them into this discourse is gradual, she said, and the probing begins with how boys react to misogynistic terms and ideas.
“For instance, when talking about women, they’ll use expressions like ‘sluts’ and see how that boy reacts. When they sense an opening, they continue the co-optation,” she said.
Julie Ricard, a researcher at the Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV) specializing in gender studies, mapped the recruitment strategies of misogynistic groups on another platform, Telegram. The study identified 85 open communities, which she describes as “the tip of the iceberg.”
“Some are explicitly misogynistic, while others present themselves as spaces for self-help, economic development, or fitness. In these cases, young people access content that appears neutral but encounter narratives of resentment against women,” Ricard noted.
These strategies are spreading across various online platforms. Studies by NetLab, a research laboratory at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), have mapped over 130 thousand misogynistic channels on YouTube and show that topics such as “seduction and relationships,” “legal issues,” and “overcoming shyness” serve as gateways to hateful content.
In March, students and staff at Rio’s Pedro II School protested against sexual harassment and institutional silence following a gang rape case involving students - Fernando Frazão/Agência Brasil
Frustration and vulnerability
Why do men embrace ideas that encourage oppression and violence against women? Experts believe that the answer to this question is not straightforward, as the reasons involve elements based on individual experience. However, there are collective patterns that can facilitate the adoption of such ideas and are exploited by leaders of the “manosphere.”
The misogynistic machinery relies on emotional raw material – frustration, isolation, and insecurity, especially among adolescents and men in vulnerable economic situations, Professor Dantas points out.
When it comes to adolescents, vulnerability is inherent to this stage of life, as they are in the process of building their identity and their socio-emotional maturity. These insecurities can be exploited by groups that advocate violent masculinity and the subjugation of women. Professor Dantas warns that young people who lack a space for dialogue at home are the most vulnerable.
“Without interactions and conflicts, there is no way for the family to filter the information they access. There is a significant process of vulnerability because they are trying to build themselves, and violent content can be more appealing,” he said.
He points out that the messages in these groups use the language of memes and humor to break down resistance. “It’s a world of messages that are easy to assimilate,” he added.
Among adult men, however, women and feminism can become scapegoats for personal problems for those seeking simplistic justifications for their experiences.
“Many present themselves as victims because they see themselves as unattractive or broke. What we see in these communities is a deep resentment toward their own situation,” Ricard said.
She highlights there are two layers of frustration in the discourse – economic and emotional-sexual.
“These are male frustrations regarding women and their own place in society. They’re men socialized to be ‘breadwinners,’ with incomes that don’t allow them to fulfill that role,” she argued.
The hierarchy of hate
Behind the apparent spontaneity of misogynistic groups lies leadership and organization. Sociologist Bruna Camilo draws attention to those who drive the immediate process of recruitment – older men, aged 40 and up.
“These are people who have lived in the world both before and after the internet. They also tend to share a sense of resentment. Some even harbor hatred toward their own mothers,” Bruno Camilo noted.
Experts highlight the role of major digital platforms where hate communities and hate speech circulate freely. Beyond direct profit, the business leaders at the helm of big tech companies often share ideological and political affinities with the ideas promoted in these spaces.
“These misogynistic groups realized that no one was stopping them from acting on social media. On the contrary, they started getting paid for being misogynistic. More and more people are betting on this, making a living from it,” Professor Lola Aronovich pointed out.
She points out that some of these companies’ leaders are far-right activists who, for example, served in Donald Trump’s administration, such as the owner of X, Elon Musk.
Lola also highlights the asymmetry in content moderation. She questions the platforms’ argument that they cannot censor users.
“There are examples of feminist channels that deal with reproductive rights and are not allowed to talk about abortion pills, and their content gets taken down. But when a bunch of channels advocate for the death of women, they face no sanctions,” she argued.
Political agenda
At the top of this hierarchy are also politicians who influence and benefit from the rise of misogyny.
“In the past, misogynists used to hide behind anonymous identities online. After Trump’s 2016 election campaign, we saw a major shift. They began to show their faces. Then, with the election of former President Jair Bolsonaro, the same thing happened,” Lola Aronovich said.
In Bruna Camilo’s view, the far-right’s political agenda benefits from reactionary ideals of masculinity – virility and power – and the subjugation of women.
“At its core, it’s about control over bodies. The gender debate sparks deep discussions in society. What matters to the far right is maintaining the status quo, where women don’t question things, and men hold political and social power,” she stated.
Possible paths
Despite major strides – such as the law requiring the investigation of hate crimes against women online – experts identify areas for improvement. One of these is the criminalization of misogyny in the country.
“What good is it for the Federal Police to say that a certain person was misogynistic if that cannot be classified as a crime? You can’t get very far, and it brings a sense of greater freedom and impunity for perpetrators,” Lola Aronovich adds.
Confronting the network of misogyny requires action on multiple fronts, including educational measures aimed at boys and adolescents.
“I believe dialogue is the only possible path to transformation. Men aren’t used to talking. They often don’t know how to express themselves because they haven’t learned to. We need to invest in dialogue at home and in schools,” Professor Dantas argues.
Julie Ricard adds that it is the responsibility of adults to “safeguard the self-esteem and mental health of these young people.” “We need to treat this as a public policy issue,” she said.
Regarding the political and economic groups that benefit from misogyny, solutions must include more complex mechanisms for addressing the issue, like strengthening institutions and legislation. Among these is the debate over the regulation of platforms.
“We’ve made progress on digital protection legislation, but we haven’t yet been able to prevent big tech companies from keeping misogynistic content on their platforms. Why hasn’t the lower house called representatives from these groups to account and demanded explanations about how these algorithms are built? If there’s no pushback, it’s because there are political interests at play,” Bruna Camilo declared.
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